Good Thoughts on Proportional Representation by Old Voices - W.G. Moncrieff, J.A. Stevenson, Prof. Ware, and others
- Tom Monto
- Jun 2
- 7 min read
Updated: Aug 2
"Representation determined by numbers",
is likely as good a definition of PR as any.
under PR:
representation of parties is in line with parties' shares of votes
those who have more votes are elected;
those with fewer votes are not elected.
I found the phrase "Representation determined by numbers", in the 1871 book Party and Government by Party.
by W.G. (William Glen) Moncrieff,
London (Ontario) Presbyterian reverend and free-thinker.
The book's epigraph is: "Liberty not only tolerates, but respects the independent judgement of all free citizens" (from May's Constitutional History of England, vol. 2, p. 72).
Moncrieff's book was a criticism of party voting and party discipline.
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1884
1884-1885 The radical newspaper The Democrat covered the electoral reforms of the time that were happening in the United Kingdom.
In the December 13 1884 issue (page 4), it said that the formation of single-member districts as indicated under the proposed Redistribution Bill would affect change to a system "that stands in great need of improvement," but the move to SMDs was not "by any means the best plan that could be adopted."
Instead, the MMDs should be retained ("large boroughs should remain undivided") and "the wants of all electors being provided for by giving each man one vote."
The writer looks at Liverpool. (At the time the district had three members but the city was to have nine MPs in nine SMDs under the new Redistribution Bill), The writer states that if large MMDs were used, the nine members for Liverpool would be elected in one district, and each tenth part of the voters there would elect a member, "and the different phases of opinion would be represented."
"Put in this way, the system of PR has suddenly become clear to many persons who hitherto have been hazy on the subject. The plan is now seen to be very simple. We have only to widen the district to secure the representation of all classes of the community in proportion to their numbers...
"Most of us have gone through our lives without ever having had an opportunity of voting for any man about whom we had any personal knowledge, and yet we flatter ourselves that we have been represented. Such is the force of habit and custom that we are contented to have our members selected for us, and we vote for them in utter blindness and ignorance. Thus the community loses the advantage it might gain from the exercise of the judgement and direction of each elector.
"But if a number of candidates are presented, each voter would probably know something of some of them, and then give the public the benefit of experience by voting for a suitable candidate."
"A large constituency returning several members with the one man one vote system is proportional representation. An area comprising say 100 members would afford ample scope for proportional representation, and it would be well within manageable compass. As the object of representation is to represent, and as each elector has an equal right to representation, it is clear that we ought to adopt a system that will give effect to the professed object of our electoral system, which, it is perfectly obvious, our present system does not do.
"Safeguards may be added to secure the utilization of votes by allowing each elector to put ten or more names on the ballot paper [preferential ballot, bearing back-up preferences]... it is difficult to see why this should be called complicated. Nothing however can be simple and plain to those who do not think about it, and therefore there are still some persons who declare that they cannot understand PR."
If this route was taken, "we may safely assume that the Redistribution Bill will not be altered for the worse, and that we shall realize a great gain, sufficient to reward and stimulate political activity, and secure at least some representation for the industrial classes, who are now almost wholly excluded from the House of Commons."
.".. The Bill may be improved by keeping the large constituencies together and limiting each elector to one vote. It would be still better to enlarge the area of constituencies and thus increase the effect of PR. By these means we may become assured that no considerable section of the community will be without representation, and that artificial majorities will become a thing of the past."
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The 1920 Canadian Council of Agriculture pamphlet PR A Truly Democratic Form of Voting for Governments,
by "J.A.S." (J.A. Stevenson),
provided 10 ways plurality elections are NOT determined by numbers and how plurality contests are disadvantageous:
1. majorities and minorities in our legislatures are not in proportion to the voting strengths in the country
2. minorities are constantly disenfranchised
3. in many districts the minority is permanently disenfranchised.
4. A minority of the electorate may secure a majority of the seats.
5. A small turnover of votes has an effect out of all proportion to its number.
6. A slight alternation in the boundary of a district may alter its representation, and gerrymandering is thereby encouraged.
7. Party machinery is given an unfortunate control in politics.
8, the venal minority that exists in all districts is put in a strategic position to influence elections.
9. Independent men who cannot accept in full a party programme are debarred form any chance of election and kept out of public life.
10. in many districts that are hopelessly one-sided, the minority voters cease to take any interest in politics.
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Ware's list
(list composed by Professor William R. Ware of the Harvard University, in 1871)
About 150 years ago, Professor William R. Ware lobbied for using STV for elections within the University.
He came up with 16 advantages of STV over FPTP. STV at the time was the only form of PR being considered.
Professor William R. Ware's 16 benefits of STV
1. It protects the minority from the tyranny of the majority.
2. It protects the minorities and majorities from the tyranny of the party chiefs.
3. It permits the utmost freedom of individual action. [for both voter and candidate]
4. it secures the most perfect co-operation and organization.
5. It gives every elector a representative after his own heart, whom he has actually helped to elect.
6. It gives representatives a constituency who are unanimous in his support.
7. It give the representative a certain security in the tenure of his place.
8. It affords a natural and reasonable method of rotation in office.
9. It makes for the interest of every party to put forward its best men.
10. It makes it worthwhile for good men to become candidates.
11. It is equally efficient whether one candidate is to be chosen or a dozen.
12. It is available in the filling of vacancies as well as in the general elections.
13. It is easy for the elector to cast his vote intelligently.
14. It is not difficult to count the votes with precision and promptness.
15. Hardly a ballot is ultimately thrown away.
16. Every ballot is assigned just as the voters who casts it desires."
(I have expanded and commented on these in the Montopedia blog: Benefits of Proportional Representation)
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1871
"Representation determined by numbers", in the 1871 book Party and Government by Party.
by W.G. (William Glen) Moncrieff,
London (Ontario) Presbyterian reverend and free-thinker.
The book's epigraph is: "Liberty not only tolerates, but respects the independent judgement of all free citizens"
(from May's Constitutional History of England, vol. 2, p. 72).
Moncrieff's book was a criticism of party voting and party discipline.
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1907
"Every election is now a fight, in which one side or the other must be beaten, humiliated, and disfranchised. Compare this with the reasonableness and fairness of a proportional election, in which practically every voter is represented, and you will see why partisan enmity, bitterness, and intolerance would no longer be rampant.
The other points are almost self-evident ... real representation of the people is the foundation of good government."
Robert Tyson, a leading PR spokesperson in Canada, wrote that in 1907.
He continued:
"If we are to continue to have representative government, let us have the substance as well as the form. Let us have done with shams. Let us represent the people, instead of the party machines, the bosses, and the predatory corporations."
He closed with "Let us have a representation that represents." (p. 26)
(Tyson, "Proportional Representation", Government A Popular Monthly Magazine on Economics and Applied Politics, October 1907)
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John Dalberg-Acton, 1st Baron Acton
The History of Freedom and other essays (1907)
from p. 98-99:
The one pervading evil of democracy is the tyranny of the majority, or rather of that party, not always the majority. that succeeded, by force or fraud, in carrying elections. To break off that point is to avert the danger. The common system of representation perpetuates the danger. Unequal districts afford no security to majorities. Equal districts give none to minorities. Thirty-five years ago, it was pointed out that the remedy is proportional representation. It is profoundly democratic for it increases the influence of thousands who would otherwise have no voice in the government; and it brings men more near an equality by so contriving that no vote shall be wasted, and that every voter shall contribute to bring into Parliament a member of his own opinions.
The origin of the idea is variously claimed for Lord Grey [Earl Grey] and for Considerant. The successful example of Denmark and the earnest advocacy of [John Stuart] Mill gave its prominence in the world of politics. It has gained popularity with the growth of democracy, and we are informed by M. Naville that in Switzerland Conservatives and Radicals combined to promote it.
...
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