It is hard to beat Alfred Cridge's 1893 definition of PR and Effective Voting
although implying at-large voting and STV, it mostly also applies to district electing and all PR systems.
he does use lots of commas!
Alfred Cridge:
Proportional Representation substitutes for assumed representation of majorities, penned within district lines, a pro rata representation of the whole people of a State or municipality, so arranged, in one form, as to represent parties in proportion to the number of their adherents, and in the other, the whole people, whether in or out of parties. This is known as the Hare Preferential system, because if
a vote is not wanted to elect the candidate who is the voter's first choice, it is used for some other candidate in the order of his preference.
In California one-80th of its voters, wherever resident, in one or twenty counties, could secure an Assemblyman; legislatures would be complete reflexes of the people, and the wasted votes so very small that in South Australia the system is known as Effective Voting."
(Cridge says 1/80th
because California had/has 80 seats in its State Assembly.
It has had 80 members since 1885!
Amazing consistency considering that California now has about as much people. as all of Canada has now, much more than it had in 1885.
rabbit hole warning -- I see that California pop. is now decreasing slightly year by year. )
Cridge hinted at how local representation is still preserved under PR even under at-large voting, in that any corner of state where 1/80th of votes are gathered can elect their own rep. if they vote that way. There is nothing the other voters can do to prevent that rep.
Same applies to 1/80th of votes spread thinly across state (in his at-large projection). Wherever they are, if they vote for the same candidate, he or she will be elected. There is nothing the other voters can do to prevent that rep.
(with districting, you could say a number voters equivalent to 1/80th of voters across the state, if gathered in one part of a district or thinly scattered across a district, will elect a member. There is nothing the other voters can do to prevent that rep.)
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Alfred Cridge is the author of the 1904 PR book in whichTyson contributed the "Appendix".
(for info on Tyson, see
Montopedia: https://montopedia.wixsite.com/montopedia/post/robert-tyson-a-pioneer-of-canadian-electoral-reform)
Alfred Cridge, his wife Annie, their son Alfred, her brother Will Denton, are worth a look.
Alfred and Annie lived in New Brunswick at one time.
publishers of radical newspaper The Vanguard. Annie was editor of the Home Gem. A Progressive Juvenile Monthly, published in Cleveland, Ohio. (Note: Prospectus of the new periodical printed in Vanguard (Dec. 18, 1858, p. 4).
all four were authors, perhaps 40 books among them - including one of the first science fiction novels in the U.S. and the first utopian sci-fi novel written by a woman.
Alfred Jr. is author of Utopia
Annie Denton Cridge was author of Man's Rights and How to Obtain Them - a gender-reversal futuristic novel , said to be the first novel of that sort written by a woman.
just before Annie's death in 1875, Alfred and Annie co-wrote a more down-to-earth work -- Women's Rights and How to Obtain Them.
Adherents to Spiritualism, electoral reform, slavery abolition, women suffrage, women's rights, geology. geo-spiritualism, psychometry, Darwinism, Henry George single tax, monetary reform, Direct Legislation (as hinted at in title of Alfred's 1904 book), communal living, back to landers, and more
Hathi trust online has copies of Alfred Cridge's pamphlet PR (1893) and PR (1904) -- not the same despite identical titles! -- and his other works as well
PR-DL coalition
the overlap of ER and Direct Legislation movements in early 1900s, as hinted at in the title of Alfred's 1893 and 1904 books, is something we can try to echo.
PR material was covered in a section of the The Direct Legislation Record And The Proportional Representation Review: A Non-partisan Advocate Of Pure Democracy, with many articles on how there was common ground between DL-ers, being the reformers, and PR-ites, being the radicals.
Some threads of Direct Legislation today - referendum, adoption of recall (such as in BC and Alberta slightly), even Citizen Assembly perhaps
But the labour movement, climate change fight, women's equal rights and equal rep. movement are also allied movements, potentially...
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Alfred Denton Cridge (1824-1902) (his books mostly just say Alfred Cridge )
(he is constantly confused with his author son of the same name.)
Apparently besides being proponents of PR, he (and his wife Annie Denton Cridge) were spiritualists
He authored the book Epitome of spirit-intercourse a condensed view of spiritualism, in its scriptural, historical, actual and scientific aspects; its relations to Christianity, insanity, psychometry and social reform; manifestations in Nova Scotia; important communications from the spirits of Sir John Franklin and Rev. Wm. Wishart, St. John, N.B., with evidences of identity and directions for developing mediums. (1854) (see Hathi Trust online)
(Book is said to be authored by "Alfred Cridge of Canada," presumably the same person.)
contributor to Sandford Fleming's essay contest On Rectification of Parliament (1894) (Spence, Ever Yours, C.H. Spence, p. 148) (essay contestansts used nom de plumes - perhaps he was "Pacifico")
author of 1895 pamphlet PR including its Relation to the Initiative and Referendum (see Hathi Trust)
(starts out by giving examples where people simply accepted myths that they were told, pointing out how the election system actually does not operate at all as most people think)
author of 1904 pamphlet PR including its Relation to the Initiative and Referendum (Spence, Ever Yours, C.H. Spence, p.146) (see Hathi Trust)
(starts out "If a representative government is the nearest approach to a democracy,..."
(the two small books were different but both bore the same title)
As mentioend above, Robert Tyson contributes the "Appendix" to this book.
He also wrote other hard-hitting pamphlets:
-Ballot bosh! : the theory of the "people's government" demolished : criminal silence of press and leaders---a simple remedy defined [1880s? - Seattle]
-Voting not representation: a demand for definite democracy and political evolution (1880: San Francisco)
-The veto! : abolish the presidency! abolish the Senate! establish the referendum (1882- Socialistic Labor Party (U.S.))
He also was an anti-greenbacker and monetary reformer, and anti-corporate agitator.
He wrote
-Partnership vs. corporation : the safety of the latter and worthlessness of the former conclusively demonstrated ..
and
-To every greenbacker (1880 -San Francisco?).
all available online either in Hathi trust
or listed in
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Alfred Cridge was subject of a blog:
see also Wikipedia: Annie Denton Cridge
see also Wikipedia: William Denton (geologist)
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Here's two deep articles on PR, written by Alfred Cridge, published in a spiritualism magazine Mind and Matter, July 19, M.S. 32 [1879])
1879 is an early year for an article on need for proportional representation.
mind_and_matter_v1_n32_jul_5_1879.pdf
Alfred Cridge's first article on electoral reform
Alfred Cridge:
Voting [is] not representation
A demand for definite democracy and political evolution
No parties no constitutions no senates
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Alfred Cridge's second article on need for electoral reform,
he proposed Cumulative Voting.
"In the first article, I endeavored to show the utter inadequacy of present arrangements to represent majorities or intelligent and conscientious majorities,[the inadequacy not being incidental but inherent. One might fill volumes with facts and figures proving far more in detail than has been in general terms asserted.
But while all thinking persons must admit the defects, few think that remedies can be devised that are not too complicated for general understanding, much less acceptance. Let anyone, however, carefully watch the complicated expedients involved in the present party mechan isms, commencing with the clubs sending delegates to county conventions, who send delegates to the State conventions, who make nominations of candidates ; let him observe the machinery by which primary elections are controlled and the thousand wires radiating from political centres to the remotest corners, all controlled by money and intrigue; and then he will find that the most complicated form of proportional or complete representation is simplicity itself when compared with the labyrinth of partisan politics.
But before the conclusion of this article is reached, I think it will be seen that simplicity can be combined with equity. The subject of a true representation has engaged the earnest attention of eminent thinkers in England, Denmark, Switzerland and the United States, including John Stuart Mill, Senator Buckalew, Horace Greely, Governor Medill, of the Chicago Tribune, many eminent public men of Illinois, and Congressmen Windom and Springer.
Various methods have been proposed and even partially carried into effect, designed to substitute___1 L_ fictitious representation, but some have feot been thorough while others are wanting in the necessary simplicity of operation.
The limits of this article will not permit many details and will also render it. impossible to forestall objections, probably answered years before being made.
The cumulative voting plan, fully carried out, gives each voter as many votes as there are persons to be elected, which can all be concentrated on one candidate, or divided among two or more, as the voter may choose. ■
It is embodied in Article XII, section 12 of the New California Constitution, as follows:
“In all elections for Directors or managers of corporations, every stockholder shall have the right to vote, in person or by proxy, the number of shares of stock owned by him for as many persons as there are directors or managers to be elected, or to cumulate ...[words illegible] as many votes as the number of directors multiplied by the number of his shares of stock shall equal, or to distribute them on the same principle, among as many candidates as he shall think fit;
and such Directors or managers shall not be elected in any other manner, except that members of co-operative societies formed for agricultural, mercantile and manufacturing purposes, may vote on all questions; affecting such societies in the manner prescribed by law.”
Fully applied to the election of a legislature of eighty members, one-eighth of the constituency, wherever resident, if within the State limits, could elect a genuine representative. But if the interests of so small a portion of the community as stockholders in corporations would thus be protected, why not the interests of the whole community through its Legislature?
So thought a delegate in the California Constitutional Convention, who proposed a method similar to that which has been, for several years, successfully operated in the State of Illinois, applied, however, only to the Lower House of the Legislature, where, the State being divided into districts returning each three members, “each voter is permitted to cast his three votes for one candidate, or 1.5 votes for two, or two votes for one and one vote for one.”
This system is stated on high authority, that of ex-Governor Medill, of the Chicago Tribune, and many others, to work well; “The masses of the people .are satisfied therewith,” but it “interferes with party machinery, letting in third party members and giving dissatisfied elements representation, thus acting like a safety-valve on the body politic.”
Of course it is disliked by some political schemers and, if fully carried out, would not only “interfere” with party machinery, but demolish it.
On January 20th, 1879, Mr. Springer, of Illinois, introduced into the House of Representatives, at Washington, a bill for the election of members differing somewhat in method from the preceding, but securing, in some cases, similar results. It is doubtful, however, whether in regard to State Legislatures, any compromises will be permanently beneficial, excepting as examples to show that the evolution from a sham to a real representation is perfectly safe.
In the “Preferential” method, the voter places on his ticket the names of several candidates in the order of his preference. The “quota” requisite to elect is ascertained by dividing the total number of votes cast by the number of candidates to be elected.
For instance, in the California Assembly, 200,000 by 80.
As soon as any candidate receives that number, where he is first on the list, he is elected; and from any subsequent tickets that may contain his name, it is erased, and the ticket counted for the second name, and so on.
There are also provisions, I believe, for disposing of tickets containing names at their heads that have no chance of securing the quota, so that a small minimum of votes only are ineffective.
This method, though in some respects complicated, is far less so than party mechanisms; and these complications have largely arisen from an endeavor by its originator, Rev. Mr. Hare, of England, to combine some local representation with proportional or complete; the local would, however, take care of itself, as most voters would prefer to vote for candidates personally known to them because resident in the vicinity.
Archibald Dobbs, of England, dispenses with some of Hare's complications by providing (the quota being regulated the same as in Hare’s method) that instead of several names being on one ticket, there shall be but one on each, and the candidates receiving more than the quota shall transfer, their surplus to those who have less. [two-person party list where surpus of one goes to he other automatically, so no need for voters to mark back-up preferences]
It is objected to the principle of transfers that too much power is thus given to candidates having a surplus.
To this, I reply--
(1) that when voters spontaneously and directly select their own candidates, they would be rarely otherwise than honest and true to their clients or constituents. Voters, however differing in opinion, would, when unfettered by parties, choose persons to represent them who could be relied upon not only to carry out the wishes of their constituents in the Legislature, but also to dispose of their surplus votes to the same end.
People do not voluntarily, to any large extent, entrust their interests to unprincipled persons. Even a constituency of thieves would prefer that honest men should be their political as well as financial agents. In any conceivable government or business public or private, trust must be placed somewhere; and those who must be trusted to make laws might be trusted also to dispose of a small proportion of surplus votes.
Under present methods, trust must be placed where the abuse of that trust is in a large percentage of cases, a certainty.
Under the proposed method, such abuse would be a rare exception. If you have confidence enough in a man to believe that he will transact your private business with fidelity, you would also have confidence that should circumstances prevent him from giving it personal attention, he would transfer his trust to the most capable and competent man he could obtain.
(2) The number of votes needing to be transferred would in practice prove to be a very small percentage of the whole; especially, if voters should be at all apprehensive of the objection above mentioned, as, by careful canvassing, it could be ascertained In advance of the election how votes could be so given as to obviate the necessity of many transfers.
(3.) The process of simplification can, however, be carried one step farther, by making the quota fixed, instead of varying in accordance with the number of votes, so that an intending candidate could readily ascertain, in advance of an election, what his probabilities might be for success. The quota, however, should approximate the number reached in preceding methods by dividing voters by members.
And in all these methods, should the number of representatives required not secure full quotas, the deficiency would be filled by taking those candidates having less than a quota in the order of the number of votes cast for each.
With this provision, transfers could even be entirely dispensed with, and the essential features of the system reached, no substantial injustice being done. The practical difference would be that a little more canvassing before the election would be required in order to reduce votes uselessly cast to a minimum extremely insignificant.
As an example of the limited real requirements in a constitution where the legislature is thus elected on a basis of justice, I subjoin what the Constitution of California would thus provide, in reference to Its Legislature. Its full vote is about 200,000. Its House of Assembly consists of 80 members, which should give each member a constituency of 2500.
“The Legislature shall consist of eighty members, to be chosen by qualified voters of the State in the manner following :
Any citizen of the State shall be eligible as a candidate and may be voted for by any qualified voter of the State, without regard to the residence of either voter or candidate, provided that such residence shall be within the limits of the State.
Candidates receiving votes to the number of two thousand five hundred, or over (5000 in case of woman suffrage) shall be declared elected, provided that they shall transfer their surplus votes, if any, to such other candidate or candidates as they may select who have received less votes than the quota, and provided also that they shall not transfer more votes to any candidate or candidates than are requisite to make the sum of the votes originally received and of those transferred, equal to said quota of 2500 (or 5000).
Failing to effect such transfer, or transfers, all the votes for such candidate shall be considered as not having been cast.
Candidates having less than the said quota may transfer to each other at their option, and all votes transferred count as if originally marked for whom it is transferred. The surplus votes shall be first transferred and whenever the quota for eighty candidates shall be secured, all transfers shall cease. But if after all transfers, mandatory and optional, shall have been effected, there are not eighty candidates who have received the quota, the number wanting shall be taken from those still having less than the quota, in the order of the number of votes received by them.
And the Legislature shall have the power to increase the quota for the next succeeding Legislature, should the increase of population make it necessary ; and to prescribe such other details of operation as may be requisite to carry the provisions of this section into effect.”
This paragraph (or one similar) is the pith of what is requisite for the constitution of any State; and even two-thirds of this could be omitted should the principle of transfer be regarded as inexpedient.
Two more paragraphs of the same size are all that is needed to define the qualifications for the suffrage, the method of electing executive officers, etc., and perhaps one or two more for the judiciary.
It is believed, however, that a legislature thus fairly, fully and directly representing all the people of all classes, and all grades of thought and feeling, would be amply competent both to elect executive officers, and to prescribe the details of judiciary arrangements. (In such large States as Pennsylvania and New York, the quota of course would be increased to say eight or ten thousand, 80 to 100 members being fully large enough for a: deliberative body.)
As to senates, State or National, they are antiquated remains of a past age for which there is no possible use in a popular government. They are similar to what are known as “rudimental organs” in the human and other bodies; they are more liable to disease than organs for which there is a present use; and as such organs are known often to cause death to the individual, so our State and National Senates to-day threaten death to the body politic. They may prevent useful but never injurious legislation.
If one house truly represents the people, the other must be superfluous, or worse; if neither does singly, then both together will not.
The United States Senate can never represent aught but banks, cliques and corporations. The abolition of senates is an indispensable step towards, political purity and freedom. Constitutions are [sufficient] to define how the legislative and executive officers should be chosen.
A truly representative Legislature needs few, if any, limitations. Such as may be got up by one sham-representative body, called, a constitutional convention to curb another equally sham-representative body, called a legislature, are likely to prove, if not “omnipotent for evil,” certainly “powerless for good.”
For the people, through their assumed representatives, in a constitutional convention, to tie their own hands by limiting the future actions of those also assumed to be their representatives, in legislatures, is quite as absurd as it would be for a man to bind himself, to-day, as to what he should or should not do ten or fifty years hence If either of those bodies are really representative, both must be; and if neither are, then the first thing in order is to devise some method of representation that is really such.
With such an arrangement as hereinbefore advocated, party machinery becomes as useless as political corruption would be impossible; the trading politician, the man of shifts and expedients, is superseded by the statesman, elected not because of ability to manage complicated party machinery, but because competent, to conduct the business .of a State or nation, with the least possible waste and friction; For this purpose, there would be needed men of various occupations, having a business turn of mind and comprehensive mental grasp.
If such are but rarely elected now, it is neither because the people do not want them, nor because they are not recognized, but because they are not small enough to go through the partisan mill; and another class is forced upon the people by methods that leave only a choice of evils.
Hence the expression, “unthinking majority" based upon the assumption that the assumed representatives of that majority really are their representatives, constituencies being believed to ‘‘unthinkingly” select those whom they really unwillingly tolerate.
In reference to methods for selecting national representatives and to the bearing of the subject on general progress, something important might be said;- 1 can only state here that under the system proposed; there be more genuine progress in wo years than there is now is in a generation; and - that corruption driven from its strongholds, purity and justice would permeate our whole life.
In concluding this branch of the subject, I would suggest to those who assume to be political leaders and teachers, whether in constitutional conventions, legislatures or clubs, to learn the A B C and multiplication table of true political science as hereinbefore specified, carefully bearing in mind that in this, as in all other business, twice two are four and thrice three are nine — a fact they seem disposed to entirely ignore.
Let them pay less attention to factions and more to fractions, which latter, suitably applied, would enable the former to be dispensed. This might not only factious, but the fractions be reduced to their lowest terms. If they don't soon learn this kind of arithmetic, the people will; and both majorities and minorities will claim that they are under no obligations to obey laws made by persons whom they did not select.
Taxation without representation is no less unjust in a nominally representative than in an openly despotic government.
This mumbo-jumbo will soon be known for what it is; and the cry of “Great is Diana of the Ephesians” will not much longer protect either craftsman or political priest.
Anyone feeling enough interested in the subject to aid in printing or circulating a pamphlet would oblige by communicating with the writer.
Address San Francisco, Cal.
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A few months later, Cridge wrote a review of a spiritualism book written by Lois Waisbrooker. This was published in the pages of Mind and Matter, Jan. 3, 1880.
(from: mind_and_matter_v2_n6_jan_3_1880.pdf)
From "Generation to Regeneration A Brief Guide to Materialism"
...small pamphlet by Mrs. Lois Waisbrooker...
She (or reviewer Alfred Cridge) says
"conflict between pseudo Romanish spiritualism from modern spiritualism conjoined with science outlasts this life and only the dissemination of true view touching on the relationship of spiritualism and affectional and animal (such as are advocated in the pamphlet named) that Romish misconceptions concerning the faculties, falsely termed "lower" can be fully met, and that ecclesiastical asceticism, which is the root of all human evil, be superseded by a rational science reorganizing the democracy of he faculties.
... Mrs. Waisbrooker claims ...whenever an elevated conception of these relations of the sexes becomes dominant, they are a savor of life unto life; and these by the inevitable operations of the natural laws of our spiritual being.
Hence the spiritual growth of the race is dependent upon the degree to which our conceptions of these relations are purified.
some people, she says, grow repulsively gross from year to year; ... [lower sexdrive, more turn to spiritual matters]
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The Vanguard
Prospectus of the Vanguard
W. & E. M.F. DENTON, ALFRED & ANNE DENTON CRIDGE, EDITORS.
The present condition of Practical Reform movements, demands a Weekly Paper uniting courage with discretion, earnestness with refinement, and freedom with dignity. Nearly all periodicals, including most of those especially devoted to progressive movements, fear free discussion, beyond certain limits. The Vanguard is for those only who believe in PROVING ALL THINGS. Its projectors have full confidence that to such they can give ample satisfaction.
Integral Education, Spiritualism, Practical Socialism, Land Reform and Universal Freedom will be its most prominent topics. It aims to furnish the earliest intelligence of all reform movements, and to record, from time to time, the statistics and general progress of Socialistic organizations.
Terms—one dollar per annum; five copies for four dollars.
Single numbers three cents each.
Published every Saturday, at the corner of Liberty and Water streets, Dayton, Ohio
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Annie D. Cridge
1863 William Denton and Elizabeth M. Foote Denton. Nature's Secrets; or, Psychometric Researches
1863 William Denton and Elizabeth M. Foote Denton. The Soul of Things; or, Psychometric Researches and Discoveries
Cridge P.R. [1895?]
...
In Oregon there is a movement to combine " direct legislation" with
proportional representation in such a manner that each will help the other.
Some serious drawbacks the efficiency of the Initiative specified in Chapter III, arising
from corrupt politicians may not apply to Oregon, where such men would be easily
"spotted."
An endeavor will there be made to elect a Legislature next June pledged to call a
Constitional Convention (which it can do by a simple majority), to be elected by
proportional representation, which Convention is to embody the Referendum and
Initiative in the Constitution and to also provide that laws passed under them shall be
part of the organic law, that no State authority could question their constitutionality.
I suggest concentration of means by advocates of political justice the world over to carry out this programme in Oregon, as being, apparently, "on the line of least resistance."
Details of these movements as they transpire will appear in Hope and Home and the Star (both of San Francisco), Pittsburg Kansan, Boerne (Texas), Post, etc.
from
Catalog Record: Proportional representation : including its... | HathiTrust Digital Library
#28 - Proportional representation : including its relations to ... - Full View | HathiTrust Digital Library
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The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science © 1893 American Academy of Political and Social Science
The Proportional Representation Congress
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